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Wednesday, September 20, 2017

The Best Speech Yet From Any U.S. President by David Swanson

In planning an upcoming conference aimed at challenging the institution of war, to be held at American University September 22-24, I can’t help but be drawn to the speech a U.S. president gave at American University a little more than 50 years ago. Whether or not you agree with me that this is the best speech ever given by a U.S. president, there should be little dispute that it is the speech most out of step with what anyone will say on Capitol Hill or in the White House today. Here’s a video of the best portion of the speech:
President John F. Kennedy was speaking at a time when, like now, Russia and the United States had enough nuclear weapons ready to fire at each other on a moment’s notice to destroy the earth for human life many times over. At that time, however, in 1963, there were only three nations, not the current nine, with nuclear weapons, and many fewer than now with nuclear energy. NATO was far removed from Russia’s borders. The United States had not just facilitated a coup in Ukraine. The United States wasn’t organizing military exercises in Poland or placing missiles in Poland and Romania. Nor was it manufacturing smaller nukes that it described as “more usable.” Nor was it threatening to use them on North Korea. The work of managing U.S. nuclear weapons was then deemed prestigious in the U.S. military, not the dumping ground for drunks and misfits that it has becomeHostility between Russia and the United States was high in 1963, but the problem was widely known about in the United States, in contrast to the current vast ignorance. Some voices of sanity and restraint were permitted in the U.S. media and even in the White House. Kennedy was using peace activist Norman Cousins as a messenger to Nikita Khrushchev, whom he never described, as Hillary Clinton has described Vladimir Putin, as “Hitler.” Even the U.S. and Soviet militaries were communicating with each other. Not anymore.
Kennedy framed his speech as a remedy for ignorance, specifically the ignorant view that war is inevitable. This is the opposite of what President Barack Obama said in Hiroshima last year and earlier in Prague and Oslo, and what Lindsey Graham says about war on North Korea.
Kennedy called peace “the most important topic on earth.” He renounced the idea of a “Pax Americana enforced on the world by American weapons of war,” precisely what both big political parties now and most speeches on war by most past U.S. presidents ever have favored. Kennedy went so far as to profess to care about 100% rather than 4% of humanity:
“… not merely peace for Americans but peace for all men and women–not merely peace in our time but peace for all time.”
Kennedy explained war and militarism and deterrence as nonsensical:
“Total war makes no sense in an age when great powers can maintain large and relatively invulnerable nuclear forces and refuse to surrender without resort to those forces. It makes no sense in an age when a single nuclear weapon contains almost ten times the explosive force delivered by all the allied air forces in the Second World War. It makes no sense in an age when the deadly poisons produced by a nuclear exchange would be carried by wind and water and soil and seed to the far corners of the globe and to generations yet unborn.”
Kennedy went after the money. Military spending is now over half of federal discretionary spending, and Trump wants to push it up toward 60%.
“Today,” said Kennedy in 1963,
“the expenditure of billions of dollars every year on weapons acquired for the purpose of making sure we never need to use them is essential to keeping the peace. But surely the acquisition of such idle stockpiles–which can only destroy and never create–is not the only, much less the most efficient, means of assuring peace.”
In 2017 even beauty queens have shifted to advocating war rather than “world peace.” But in 1963 Kennedy spoke of peace as the serious business of government:
“I speak of peace, therefore, as the necessary rational end of rational men. I realize that the pursuit of peace is not as dramatic as the pursuit of war–and frequently the words of the pursuer fall on deaf ears. But we have no more urgent task. Some say that it is useless to speak of world peace or world law or world disarmament–and that it will be useless until the leaders of the Soviet Union adopt a more enlightened attitude. I hope they do. I believe we can help them do it. But I also believe that we must reexamine our own attitude–as individuals and as a Nation–for our attitude is as essential as theirs. And every graduate of this school, every thoughtful citizen who despairs of war and wishes to bring peace, should begin by looking inward–by examining his own attitude toward the possibilities of peace, toward the Soviet Union, toward the course of the cold war and toward freedom and peace here at home.”
Can you imagine any approved speaker on corporate media or Capitol Hill suggesting that in U.S. relations toward Russia a major part of the problem might be U.S. attitudes?
Peace, Kennedy explained in a manner unheard of today, is perfectly possible:
“First: Let us examine our attitude toward peace itself. Too many of us think it is impossible. Too many think it unreal. But that is a dangerous, defeatist belief. It leads to the conclusion that war is inevitable–that mankind is doomed–that we are gripped by forces we cannot control. We need not accept that view. Our problems are manmade–therefore, they can be solved by man. And man can be as big as he wants. No problem of human destiny is beyond human beings. Man’s reason and spirit have often solved the seemingly unsolvable–and we believe they can do it again. I am not referring to the absolute, infinite concept of peace and good will of which some fantasies and fanatics dream. I do not deny the value of hopes and dreams but we merely invite discouragement and incredulity by making that our only and immediate goal. Let us focus instead on a more practical, more attainable peace– based not on a sudden revolution in human nature but on a gradual evolution in human institutions–on a series of concrete actions and effective agreements which are in the interest of all concerned. There is no single, simple key to this peace–no grand or magic formula to be adopted by one or two powers. Genuine peace must be the product of many nations, the sum of many acts. It must be dynamic, not static, changing to meet the challenge of each new generation. For peace is a process–a way of solving problems.”
Kennedy debunked some of the usual straw men:
“With such a peace, there will still be quarrels and conflicting interests, as there are within families and nations. World peace, like community peace, does not require that each man love his neighbor–it requires only that they live together in mutual tolerance, submitting their disputes to a just and peaceful settlement. And history teaches us that enmities between nations, as between individuals, do not last forever. However fixed our likes and dislikes may seem, the tide of time and events will often bring surprising changes in the relations between nations and neighbors. So let us persevere. Peace need not be impracticable, and war need not be inevitable. By defining our goal more clearly, by making it seem more manageable and less remote, we can help all peoples to see it, to draw hope from it, and to move irresistibly toward it.”
Kennedy then laments what he considers, or claims to consider, baseless Soviet paranoia regarding U.S. imperialism, Soviet criticism not unlike his own more private criticism of the CIA. But he follows this by flipping it around on the U.S. public:
“Yet it is sad to read these Soviet statements–to realize the extent of the gulf between us. But it is also a warning–a warning to the American people not to fall into the same trap as the Soviets, not to see only a distorted and desperate view of the other side, not to see conflict as inevitable, accommodation as impossible, and communication as nothing more than an exchange of threats. No government or social system is so evil that its people must be considered as lacking in virtue. As Americans, we find communism profoundly repugnant as a negation of personal freedom and dignity. But we can still hail the Russian people for their many achievements–in science and space, in economic and industrial growth, in culture and in acts of courage. Among the many traits the peoples of our two countries have in common, none is stronger than our mutual abhorrence of war. Almost unique among the major world powers, we have never been at war with each other. And no nation in the history of battle ever suffered more than the Soviet Union suffered in the course of the Second World War. At least 20 million lost their lives. Countless millions of homes and farms were burned or sacked. A third of the nation’s territory, including nearly two thirds of its industrial base, was turned into a wasteland–a loss equivalent to the devastation of this country east of Chicago.”
Imagine today trying to get Americans to see a designated enemy’s point of view and ever being invited back on CNN or MSNBC afterward. Imagine hinting at who actually did the vast majority of winning World War II or why Russia might have good reason to fear aggression from its west!
Kennedy returned to the nonsensical nature of the cold war, then and now:
“Today, should total war ever break out again–no matter how–our two countries would become the primary targets. It is an ironic but accurate fact that the two strongest powers are the two in the most danger of devastation. All we have built, all we have worked for, would be destroyed in the first 24 hours. And even in the cold war, which brings burdens and dangers to so many nations, including this Nation’s closest allies–our two countries bear the heaviest burdens. For we are both devoting massive sums of money to weapons that could be better devoted to combating ignorance, poverty, and disease. We are both caught up in a vicious and dangerous cycle in which suspicion on one side breeds suspicion on the other, and new weapons beget counterweapons. In short, both the United States and its allies, and the Soviet Union and its allies, have a mutually deep interest in a just and genuine peace and in halting the arms race. Agreements to this end are in the interests of the Soviet Union as well as ours–and even the most hostile nations can be relied upon to accept and keep those treaty obligations, and only those treaty obligations, which are in their own interest.”
Kennedy then urges, outrageously by the standards of some, that the United States tolerate other nations pursuing their own visions:
“So, let us not be blind to our differences–but let us also direct attention to our common interests and to the means by which those differences can be resolved. And if we cannot end now our differences, at least we can help make the world safe for diversity. For, in the final analysis, our most basic common link is that we all inhabit this small planet. We all breathe the same air. We all cherish our children’s future. And we are all mortal.”
Kennedy reframes the cold war, rather than the Russians, as the enemy:
“Let us reexamine our attitude toward the cold war, remembering that we are not engaged in a debate, seeking to pile up debating points. We are not here distributing blame or pointing the finger of judgment. We must deal with the world as it is, and not as it might have been had the history of the last 18 years been different. We must, therefore, persevere in the search for peace in the hope that constructive changes within the Communist bloc might bring within reach solutions which now seem beyond us. We must conduct our affairs in such a way that it becomes in the Communists’ interest to agree on a genuine peace. Above all, while defending our own vital interests, nuclear powers must avert those confrontations which bring an adversary to a choice of either a humiliating retreat or a nuclear war. To adopt that kind of course in the nuclear age would be evidence only of the bankruptcy of our policy–or of a collective death-wish for the world.”
By Kennedy’s definition, the U.S. government is pursuing a death-wish for the world, just as by Martin Luther King’s definition four years later, the U.S. government is now “spiritually dead.” Which is not to say that nothing came of Kennedy’s speech and the work that followed it in the five months before he was murdered by U.S. militarists. Kennedy proposed in the speech the creation of a hotline between the two governments, which was created. He proposed a ban on nuclear weapons testing and announced the unilateral U.S. cessation of nuclear testing in the atmosphere. This led to a treaty banning nuclear testing except underground. And that led, as Kennedy intended, to greater cooperation and larger disarmament treaties.
This speech also led by degrees difficult to measure to greater U.S. resistance to launching new wars. May it serve to inspire a movement to bring the abolition of war to reality.

Speakers this coming weekend at American University will include: Medea Benjamin, Nadine Bloch, Max Blumenthal, Natalia Cardona, Terry Crawford-Browne, Alice Day, Lincoln Day, Tim DeChristopher, Dale Dewar, Thomas Drake, Pat Elder, Dan Ellsberg, Bruce Gagnon, Kathy Gannett, Will Griffin, Seymour Hersh, Tony Jenkins, Larry Johnson, Kathy Kelly, Jonathan King, Lindsay Koshgarian, James Marc Leas, Annie Machon, Ray McGovern,  Rev Lukata Mjumbe, Bill Moyer, Elizabeth Murray, Emanuel Pastreich, Anthony Rogers-Wright, Alice Slater, Gar Smith, Edward Snowden (by video), Susi Snyder, Mike Stagg, Jill Stein, David Swanson, Robin Taubenfeld, Brian Terrell, Brian Trautman, Richard Tucker, Donnal Walter, Larry Wilkerson, Ann Wright, Emily Wurth, Kevin Zeese. Read speakers’ bios.

Tuesday, September 19, 2017

Trump's full speech to the UN General Assembly - Full Transcript

Trump's full speech to the UN General Assembly
Updated by Kelly  Sep 19, 2017, 11:40am EDT

Resultado de imagem para PICTURES OF DONALD TRUMP AT ONU
President Donald Trump addressed the United Nations General Assembly for the first time on Tuesday. In his speech, he focused on the threat posed by North Korea, and on Iran’s government and the Iran nuclear deal.
Trump referred to North Korean leader Kim Jung Un as “rocket man,” and described him as being on “a suicide mission for himself and for his regime.” He also threatened to “totally destroy” North Korea if the US finds itself “forced to defend itself or its allies.”
On Iran, Trump demanded that “Iran's government must stop supporting terrorists, begin serving its own people, and respect the sovereign rights of its neighbors.” He also criticized the Iran nuclear deal, calling it, characteristically, “one of the worst and most one-sided transactions” and “an embarrassment.”
Read a rush transcript of President Trump’s full remarks below.

Mr. Secretary General, Mr. President, world leaders, and distinguished delegates, welcome to New York. It is a profound honor to stand here in my home city as a representative of the American people to address the people of the world. As millions of our citizens continue to suffer the effects of the devastating hurricanes that have struck our country, I want to begin by expressing my appreciation to every leader in this room who has offered assistance and aid. The American people are strong and resilient, and they will emerge from these hardships more determined than ever before.
Fortunately, the United States has done very well since Election Day last November 8. The stock market is at an all-time high, a record. Unemployment is at its lowest level in 16 years, and because of our regulatory and other reforms, we have more people working in the United States today than ever before. Companies are moving back, creating job growth, the likes of which our country has not seen in a very long time, and it has just been announced that we will be spending almost $700 billion on our military and defense. Our military will soon be the strongest it has ever been. For more than 70 years, in times of war and peace, the leaders of nations, movements, and religions have stood before this assembly.

Thierry Meyssan -- UN RAZBOI POATE ASCUNDE UN ALTUL Dupa Califat, Rojava


Dupa Califat, Rojava

În timp ce Armata araba siriana, aviatia rusa si Hezbollahul se grabesc sa termine cu Daeshul, Pentagonul planifica un nou razboi împotriva Siriei, de data aceasta cu trupele kurde. În acelasi mod în care misiunea Califatului era aceea de a crea un Sunnistan calare pe Irak si pe Siria, la fel aceea a «Rojavei» este de a crea un Kurdistan calare pe cele doua State, asa precum Pentagonul îl prevede public de patru ani.
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Aceasta harta a fost publicata de Robin Wright cu noua luni înainte de ofensiva Daeshului în Irak si în Siria. Dupa cercetatoarea Pentagonului, ea o rectifica pe aceea publicata în 2005 de Ralf Peters pentru remodelajul Orientului-Mijlociu înlargit.
Conform Marei strategii americane, definita de amiralul Cebrowski în 2001, si raspîndita prin media în 2004 de adjunctul sau Thomas Barnett, ansamblul Orientului-Imediat înlargit trebuie sa fie distrus, cu exceptia Israelului, a Iordaniei si a Libanului.
Prin urmare, victoria iminenta contra Daeshului, nu va schimba intentiile Pentagonului.

Тьерри Мейсан -- ЗА ОДНОЙ ВОЙНОЙ ПРЯЧЕТСЯ ДРУГАЯ После Халифата Роджава


После Халифата Роджава

В то время, когда Сирийская арабская армия, российские ВКС и Хезболла готовы окончательно разделаться с ИГИЛ, Пентагон планирует против Сирии новую войну, на этот раз с помощью курдских отрядов народной самообороны. Если целью Халифата было создание Суннистана на территории Ирака и Сирии, то целью «Роджавы» является создание на территории этих двух государств Курдистана, о чём Пентагон публично заявляет в течение четырёх лет.
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Эта карта была опубликована Робин Райт за девять месяцев до наступления ИГИЛ на Ирак и Сирию. По мнению этой специалистки по Пентагону, она является исправленной версией карты перекройки Ближнего Востока, опубликованной в 2005 г. Ральфом Петерсом.
Согласно Главной стратегии США, разработанной адмиралом Цебровски в 2001 г. и опубликованной в 2004 г. его помощником Томасом Барнеттом, весь Большой Ближний Восток за исключением Израиля, Иордании и Ливана должен быть перекроен.
Таким образом, неизбежная победа над ИГИЛ не изменит намерений Пентагона.
Президент Трамп воспротивился манипулировать джихадистами. Он перестал оказывать им финансовую и военную поддержку. Ему удалось убедить Саудовскую Аравию и Пакистан сделать то же самое. Он изменил политику НАТО в этом вопросе. Однако нет оснований считать, что ему удастся воспротивиться главной стратегии Пентагона. Против него выступает весь Конгресс, и у него нет другой возможности сохранить свой пост, как вступить в переговоры с Демократической партией.
Дональд Трамп включил в свою администрацию бывших чиновников из администрации Обамы, политиков несогласных с его линией, много случайных лиц, но очень и очень мало доверенных лиц.
Его спецпредставитель по борьбе против ИГИЛ Брэтт Маккурк, которому он поручил проведение новой политики, является бывшим сотрудником администрации президента Обамы. 18 августа он организовал встречу с вождями племён по организации борьбы против ИГИЛ. Однако распространённые им фотографии свидетельствуют о том, что на этой встрече присутствовали и главари ИГИЛ.
В том же стиле действуют и спецназовцы США, которые 26 июля на вертолётах вывезли из окружения в окрестностях Дейр-эз-Зора двух главарей ИГИЛ вместе с их семьями, не дав сирийским правительственным войскам взять их в плен. Через два дня они таким же образом вывезли ещё двадцать боевиков ИГИЛ.
Всё происходит так, словно Пентагон сворачивает свой джихадистский механизм, сохраняя его для ведения подобных операций в других местах.
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Аналитик Американского института мира Робин Райт объявила о начале этой войны, как и войны Халифата, четыре года назад в газете New York Times. Она предсказывала также разделение Йемена на два государства, а сегодня Рияд и Абу-Даби могли бы поделить его между собой, и развал Саудовской Аравии.
В итоге, проект создания «Роджавы» отвечает интересам Израиля, который начиная с 90-х годов и после освоения производства ракет, больше не довольствуется контролем подступов (Синай, Голаны и юг Ливана) и намерен нанести своим соседям удар с тыла (откуда создание Южного Судна и, возможно, Великого Курдистана).
В Европе набор боевиков для реализации «Роджавы» только начинается. Следует отметить, что боевиков там можно набрать столько же, сколько их было набрано для джихада, так как анархистских группировок, из которых их черпают, не меньше, чем отбывающих наказание уголовников.
Действительно, поток джихадистов начинался с французских тюрем и только потом он превратился во всеобщий «крестовый поход». Возможно, что вербовка внутри анархисткого движения усилится со временем. Ведь Вашингтон, Лондон, Париж и Берлин, осуществляющие эту вербовку, задумали её надолго.
Я намеренно употребляю выражение «крестовый поход», потому что войны на Ближнем Востоке, как и та, которую мы только что пережили, представляли собой европейские империалистические операции, направленные против народов Большого Ближнего Востока. Было бы смешно утверждать, что между посланиями Пророка и джихадизмом существует такая же связь, как и между посланиями Иисуса Христа и крестовыми походами. В обоих случаях приказы отдавались Западом [1] и эти конфликты служили исключительно западному империализму. Крестовые походы продолжались на протяжении двух веков, и подавляющее большинство христиан Леванта сражались против захватчиков вместе с мусульманскими соотечественниками.
Не так давно французский министр иностранных дел Лоран Фабиус публично заявлял, что президент Ассад «не заслуживает быть на Земле» и убеждал, что джихадисты делали «хорошую работу». Многие молодые люди ответили на его призыв и примкнули сначала к Аль-Носре (Аль-Каида), а затем к ИГИЛ. А сегодня бывший министр иностранных дел Бернар Кушнер публично заявляет, что Франция поддержит создание государства, в которое войдут иракский Курдистан и коридор, который через Сирию соединяет его со Средиземным морем. Несколько молодых европейцев уже ответили на этот призыв, а многие другие последуют за ними.
Сегодня, как и в 2011 -12 г. г. западные СМИ выступают в защиту этой новой антисирийской армии, поддерживаемой правительством. Они никогда не будут задаваться вопросом о том, почему Абдулла Оджалан отвернулся от марксизма-ленинизма и стал анархистом. Но будут беспрестанно твердить о том, что Курдистан был признан в 1920 г. на Севрской конференции, и не соизволят взглянуть на документы, которые устанавливали его границы. Они считают, что он должен располагаться на территории Ирака и Сирии, тогда как по договору он должен был располагаться на территории сегодняшней Турции. Они игнорируют тот факт, что его новые границы на самом деле отвечают замыслам Пентагона.
Намеченный на 25 сентября референдум о независимости Курдистана и территорий, аннексированных ИГИЛ, явится началом этой операции. Как и в 2014 г. речь идёт о разрушении одновременно Ирака и Сирии, но на этот раз не путём создания Суннистана» от Ракки до Моссула, а путём создания Курдистана на территории, связывающей Эрбиль и Куркук со Средиземным морем.
Al-Watan (Сирия)
[1] Это слово мне не нравится, потому что «Запад» не означает противостояние «Востоку», а тому, что называется «советским». Но я не нашёл другого слова, чтобы указать одновременно европейцев, североамериканцев и израильтян.
Данная статья находится под лицензией Creative Commons
Вы можете свободно пользоваться стятьями Réseau Voltaire в некоммерческих целях, при условии, что источник цитируется и что содержание не меняется. (лицензия CC BY-NC-ND).

Thierry Meyssan -- Après le Califat, le Rojava


Après le Califat, le Rojava

Alors que l’Armée arabe syrienne, l’aviation russe et le Hezbollah s’apprêtent à en finir avec Daesh, le Pentagone planifie une nouvelle guerre contre la Syrie, cette fois avec des troupes kurdes. De même que la mission du Califat était de créer un Sunnistan à cheval sur l’Irak et la Syrie, de même celle du « Rojava » est de créer un Kurdistan à cheval sur les deux États, ainsi que le Pentagone le prévoit publiquement depuis quatre ans.
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Cette carte a été publiée par Robin Wright neuf mois avant l’offensive de Daesh en Irak et en Syrie. Selon la chercheuse du Pentagone, elle rectifie celle publiée en 2005 par Ralf Peters pour le remodelage du Moyen-Orient élargi.
Selon la Grande stratégie états-unienne, définie par l’amiral Cebrowski en 2001 et publicisée en 2004 par son adjoint Thomas Barnett, l’ensemble du Proche-Orient élargi doit être détruit à l’exception d’Israël, de la Jordanie et du Liban.
Par conséquent, la victoire imminente contre Daesh ne changera pas les intentions du Pentagone.

So Long, and Thank You: 'The Man Who Saved the World' Dies Aged 77


    In this Thursday, Aug. 27, 2015 photo former Soviet missile defense forces officer Stanislav Petrov poses for a photo at his home in Fryazino, Moscow region, Russia, Thursday, Aug. 27, 2015.

    So Long, and Thank You: 'The Man Who Saved the World' Dies Aged 77

    © AP Photo/ Pavel Golovkin
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    Since his story emerged in 1998, Stanislav Petrov has been known as "the man who saved the world." Now he has died, aged 77, but what did he do to earn such a sobriquet?
    Stanislav Petrov, who was the officer in charge of an early warning center outside Moscow, died at the age of 77 in May, but his death was only reported on Monday, September 18.
    On September 26, 1983 Petrov used his initiative when others would have followed protocol, and by doing so he prevented a nuclear war.
    Cold War Tensions
    The Cold War was at its height and the Soviet Union and the United States were only seconds away from mutual nuclear obliteration.
    A few weeks earlier a South Korean airliner had been shot down after it strayed into Soviet airspace in the Russian Far East and Ronald Reagan was the most belligerent US president for years.
    Suddenly, just after midnight, the control panel lit up with a report that the US had launched five nuclear missiles aimed at the Soviet Union.
    Petrov's duty was to report the incoming missiles to his superiors, who would almost certainly have ordered a snap retaliatory strike, triggering mutual destruction and untold global devastation.
    "All I had to do was to reach for the phone; to raise the direct line to our top commanders — but I couldn't move. I felt like I was sitting on a hot frying pan," he said in an interview many years later.
    The shrewd 44-year-old decided it was an equipment malfunction and decided not to notify his superiors.
    He was right. It later turned out that a monitoring satellite had been confused by sunlight reflecting off high-altitude clouds.
    Secret Hero for Years
    Petrov was not disciplined or promoted for his decision and the incident remained shrouded in secrecy until 1998. By then he had retired with the rank of lieutenant colonel.
    But when the story finally went public his actions were praised worldwide and he became known as "the man who saved the world."
    ​He received several international awards, including the Dresden Prize, which was awarded in 2013.
    "I did nothing heroic, I don't feel like a hero. I just did my job and I like the way I did it," Petrov said at the awards ceremony.

    Lieutenant Colonel Stanislav Petrov, the Soviet missile officer who prevented nuclear war in '83, has died at 77.

    Pour one out, fellas.


    Made the Right Call
    Petrov later explained what lay behind his hunch.
    He said the control panel showed only five missiles had been launched and he figured that if the US really were to attack the Soviet Union they would launch hundreds of missiles, not just five.
    "Twenty-three minutes later I realized that nothing had happened. If there had been a real strike, then I would already know about it. It was such a relief," he said in a 2013 interview.
    Perhaps it was apt that even his death — in the town of Fryazino, near Moscow, in May this year — went under the radar, and the news has only now emerged.


    2017 FSB Meeting - RO from Roberto Petitpas on Vimeo.




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